We’ve been
working on a study of the origins of religious (as opposed to scientific)
socialism. Part of the problem of trying
to figure out just how much modern “social thought” is actually a version of
socialism is handicapped by the fact that the distinction between religious
socialism and scientific socialism is often not very clear.
Making the
problem worse is that advocates of either system use the other to demonstrate
that their version of socialism is
not like the other version. Since their version is (depending on whether
they are religious or scientific socialists) not like the other kind, it should
not be included in any condemnation.
For example,
scientific socialism is often explicitly atheistic. This allows religious socialists to condemn
it as such, and assert that religious condemnations of socialism are directed
only at scientific, not religious socialism.
Christian and ethical socialists usually use this argument to prove, e.g., that the Catholic Church condemns
only “bad” socialism, not their “good”
socialism.
On the other
hand, the scientific socialist can condemn religious socialism because it
attempts to force an artificial and arbitrary morality on people, deluding them
with pie-in-the-sky promises by being linked to religion; it therefore becomes
part and parcel of the opiate of the masses.
This was the tack that Karl Marx took in 1848 in The Communist Manifesto, when he saw what a hash the religious
socialists had made of “the Year of Revolution.”
On the other,
other hand (such is the confusion over socialism these days that we’re starting
to sprout extra limbs), you have efforts to combine religious and scientific
socialism, so that nobody can ever really be specific about what is going on. Over a century ago George Bernard Shaw
remarked in a lecture that the great strength of the Fabian Society was that
nobody outside the Society could figure out what they were talking about. Shaw then added that the great weakness of
the Fabian Society was that no one in the Society could figure out what they
were talking about. . . .
So, what is
socialism? The quick definition is “the
abolition of private property in capital.”
This often
arouses socialists to fury, because they don’t understand property, private or
otherwise.
Meaning. . . . ?
Private property
is actually two things. One, it is the
right every human being has by nature to be an owner. Period.
This right cannot be denied except by denying human nature.
Two, private
property is the bundle of socially determined rights (that is, not by nature) that define what someone
may own and how it may be used. Specific
rights of property can be denied or limited (in fact, must be limited if
society is to function), but never in any way that nullifies the underlying
natural right to be an owner in the first place.
So, can we define
socialism as the abolition of private property, even though some forms of
socialism allow private ownership?
Most
certainly. The key word is “allow” . . .
which does not recognize private property as an inalienable, natural
right. It only “allows” it as
expedient. The moment private property
interferes with the will of the strongest, it is taken away or otherwise
nullified.
This leads us to
a better, or (at least) more comprehensive definition of socialism. Our recent research has helped us formulate
what we think is the most comprehensive definition of socialism (at least until
the next one):
Socialism is the
theory that natural rights do not reside in any particular individual, but in
the collective, that is, humanity as a whole. The collective being an abstraction created by human beings, this means that in socialist theory the collected created by human beings has rights that human beings created by God do not have — a logical impossibility.
Ultimately, this means that the natural law is not based on human nature, but on the say-so of whoever has the power to force his views on others. Socialism, therefore, is the subordination of everything, even nature itself, to a desired result, usually loosely described as the betterment of society . . . which can mean almost anything.
Ultimately, this means that the natural law is not based on human nature, but on the say-so of whoever has the power to force his views on others. Socialism, therefore, is the subordination of everything, even nature itself, to a desired result, usually loosely described as the betterment of society . . . which can mean almost anything.
This gives us the clue as to
why the Catholic Church, for example, condemns
socialism: it puts something ahead of God.
This is because the Catholic Church teaches that human nature is a “reflection”
of God’s Nature, and that human beings can therefore use reason applied to
observations about human nature to discern the natural law and know right from
wrong.
That
being the case, the Catholic Church concludes that everything, regardless
how important it may be in its own order, must be subordinate to the natural order. Shocking many Catholics, this includes the
supernatural order.
Faith,
hope, and charity do not, therefore, replace the natural virtues of prudence,
temperance, fortitude, and justice. Rather,
faith, hope, and charity fulfill and
complete (perfect) prudence, temperance, fortitude, and justice. Anyone, for example, who claims that charity
requires that justice be violated — such as by the abolition of private
property — is (as far as the Catholic Church is concerned) badly in error.
Thus,
the “heresy” of socialism is that the goal of creating a heaven on earth
(which, as Fulton Sheen pointed out is the surest way to create a hell)
requires that the natural law, especially the natural right to be an owner
inherent in every human being, must be subordinated to the “greater good” of
the collective or mankind in general.
This is because once someone
has decided that he can violate someone else’s
rights “for a good cause,” it is a short and very easy step to saying that whatever the majority wants or a
powerful minority can force on them is, ipso
facto, good. This is because once
you shift away from the natural law based on God’s Nature and self-realized in
His Intellect and therefore discernible by human reason, “might makes right”; you
have the “Triumph of the Will.”
That is why the Catholic
Church’s condemnation of socialism does not exempt any kind of socialism. The
whole idea of socialism puts collective man at the center instead of God. As Pope Pius XI explained in Quadragesimo
Anno, his encyclical on religious socialism and the act of social justice:
116. Yet let no one think that all the socialist groups
or factions that are not communist have, without exception, recovered their
senses to this extent either in fact or in name. For the most part they do not
reject the class struggle or the abolition of ownership, but only in some
degree modify them. Now if these false principles are modified and to some
extent erased from the program, the question arises, or rather is raised
without warrant by some, whether the principles of Christian truth cannot
perhaps be also modified to some degree and be tempered so as to meet Socialism
half-way and, as it were, by a middle course, come to agreement with it. There
are some allured by the foolish hope that socialists in this way will be drawn
to us. A vain hope! Those who want to be apostles among socialists ought to
profess Christian truth whole and entire, openly and sincerely, and not connive
at error in any way. If they truly wish to be heralds of the Gospel, let them
above all strive to show to socialists that socialist claims, so far as they
are just, are far more strongly supported by the principles of Christian faith
and much more effectively promoted through the power of Christian charity.
117. But what if Socialism has really been so tempered
and modified as to the class struggle and private ownership that there is in it
no longer anything to be censured on these points? Has it thereby renounced its
contradictory nature to the Christian religion? This is the question that holds
many minds in suspense. And numerous are the Catholics who, although they
clearly understand that Christian principles can never be abandoned or
diminished seem to turn their eyes to the Holy See and earnestly beseech Us to
decide whether this form of Socialism has so far recovered from false doctrines
that it can be accepted without the sacrifice of any Christian principle and in
a certain sense be baptized. That We, in keeping with Our fatherly solicitude,
may answer their petitions, We make this pronouncement: Whether considered as a
doctrine, or an historical fact, or a movement, Socialism, if it remains truly
Socialism, even after it has yielded to truth and justice on the points which
we have mentioned, cannot be reconciled with the teachings of the Catholic
Church because its concept of society itself is utterly foreign to Christian
truth.
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